I have made contact with the leaders of the anti-corruption effort in Florida. We here in Alaska now have the official endorsement of the Democratic Party of Alaska and of the Libertarian Party of Alaska.
The article below reflects the recent changes resulting from negotiations with the Division of Elections and the Attorney General’s office.
From Ray Metcalfe 907-344-4514
Time to drive a wooden stake through the heart of corruption
An easier path to ending corporate dominance and public corruption.
See below what a few Alaskans are doing. Any state with the option of creating law by initiative can do the same.
The same Chief Justice Roberts that gave corporations and individuals the right to spend as much as they wish on campaigns also affirmed the right of each state to make it a crime for an individual or a corporation to gain access to the public purse with the assistance of those they’ve helped elect. See Nevada Commission on Ethics v. Carrigan. The Roberts Court affirmed the conviction of elected official, (Carrigan), for violation of a Nevada statute when, at the request of Carrigan’s former campaign manager, Carrigan assisted in the securing of a gaming permit for the best friend of his former campaign manager. It is unlikely that Carrigan would have done the same for just anybody who happened to ask. Bottom line, It was the illegal pay to play good-old-boy system at work. State prosecutors cannot prosecute those who provide special treatment for their contributors unless there is a state law that says they can.
Those on the Right and the Left wishing to combat political corruption need to stop talking past each other and pay more attention to what Chief Justice Roberts has really been saying. This time, in the more recent ruling McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission, Chief Justice Roberts added the following comment:
“The government has a strong interest, no less critical to our democratic system, in combating corruption and its appearance,” Roberts wrote. “We have, however, held that this interest must be limited to a specific kind of corruption quid pro quo corruption in order to ensure that the government’s efforts do not have the effect of restricting the First Amendment right of citizens to choose who shall govern them.”
In other words, stop trying to control the breadth and volume of other people’s speech and focus on the billion dollar favors the loudest voices often extract in exchange for their million dollar speech. Criminalize the — quid pro quo – and the Court will uphold your statute.
What corporation would spend a dime on a campaign if it didn’t buy access to the public purse?
In a unanimous 9-0 decision, the Roberts Court upheld a Nevada statute, Nevada Commission on Ethics v. Carrigan, requiring public officials to recuse themselves from voting on, or advocating the passage or failure of; quoting from the Nevada statutes, “a matter with respect to which the independence of judgment of a reasonable person in his situation would be materially affected by,” inter alia, “[h]is commitment in a private capacity to the interests of others.”
The Roberts Court rejected arguments that the Nevada statute is either too broad and/or too vague and that therefore it is unconstitutional. The Roberts Court also rejected arguments that a legislators voting privilege is an expression of a legislators freely expressed opinion and therefore a form of protected speech.
What sets Nevada’s statute apart from ethics laws in most states is that most states require prosecutors to prove the meaning of a wink and a nod. A winning defense can be as simple as “That contribution I got from those people had no bearing on my decision to appropriate a million bucks to them.” In the absence of a video with audio record of a promise made in exchange for cash received, prosecutors seldom touch it. Nevada’s statute reduces the necessary evidence to a paper trail. A copy of a legislator’s reported contributions and voting record can be sufficient to win a conviction.
In Skilling v. United States, the Roberts Court narrowed but preserved the use of a federal statute commonly referred to as “the Honest Services Act.” So called because it simply says the public is entitled to honest services from public officials, leaving it to judges and juries to be the judge of what constitutes dishonest services. Violation of the Honest Services Act is a felony. When Enron collapsed, prosecutors attempted to apply the Honest Services Act to Jeffery Skilling’s dishonest dealings with Enron’s stockholders. Many Court watchers expected the Court to declare the Act to be unconstitutionally vague but they did not. They clarified that its use was restricted to public corruption, not private institutions such as Enron.
Justice Roberts’ added the word “corruption,” to his reference to “quid pro quo,” implying that a stronger criminal act is the solution, not more ethical or reporting requirements. The U.S. Senate and U.S. House have their own reporting requirements and ethics statutes which exempt members of both houses from State reporting and ethics requirements. However, as former House Majority Leader Tom Delay learned in Texas, members of Congress are not exempt from the criminal statutes of their home states. One of Tom Delay’s money raising schemes resembled a Texas statutory definition of money laundering. He was indicted, convicted, and is to this day locked in a series of appeals and reversals.
The moral of this story: Any state that chooses to define the act of using one’s public office to provide themselves, their families, employers, partners, contributors and/or issue ad supporters with access to the public purse or a leg up on their competition as felony bribery can bring a rapid end to the practice.
What corporation or lobbyist would spend a dime on contributions or issue adds if it didn’t buy them an unfair advantage or access to the public purse?
The next hurdle comes in the form of reluctant legislators whose campaigns are, in every state in the nation, almost entirely dependent on contributions from the beneficiaries of their legislation.
Solution; twenty-three states have the option of creating law by initiative. In Alaska, the Division of Elections is required to describe a proposed initiative “as accurately as possible,” in fifty words or less.
By keeping the ballot proposition as simple as possible, we make it difficult for an unenthusiastic Lieutenant Governor, (Secretary of State in most states) to find ways to confuse voters with unflattering descriptions of the proposal.
Our proposed statutory language reads:
Be it enacted by the People of the State of Alaska; Sec. 11.56.130. is repealed and reenacted to read:
Sec. 11.56.130. Presumptive political bribery.
(a) It is a class A felony for public officials to regulate or legislate competitive advantages for, or direct appropriations to themselves, their business partners, their clients, immediate family, past, present, or sought-after employers or contributors, including contributors to independent expenditure campaigns intended to increase the probability of their election.
(b) It is a class A felony to receive an appropriation, or secure a competitive advantage over competition for profit through regulation or statute by inducing public officials to violate (a) of this section.
(c) Presumptive political bribery shall be narrowly construed. Actions affecting legislation and/or regulations which similarly impact a broad spectrum of population, and have relatively minor fiscal impacts incidental only to implementation, are exempt. Members of deliberative bodies may absolve themselves of potential conflict by entering their conflict into the record and refraining from voting.
(d) For purposes of applying AS 12.10 governing limitations of actions, in a prosecution under AS 11.56.130, the statute of limitations begins to run with the violation and continues for ten years.
The 50 word descriptive language for the ballot being considered by the Division of Elections reads:
This act makes it a class A felony for a public official to regulate or legislate competitive advantages for, or direct appropriations to their business partners, clients, and certain others. This act would also make it a Class A felony to profit by inducing public officials to violate this act.
However the lack of in-depth definition leaves much to the discretion of judges and juries which is likely to scare an otherwise reluctant Legislature into a compromise. The makers of the proposed petition have therefore drafted a 2,757 word alternative. If we collect enough signatures to insure that our petition is destined for the ballot, we will offer to withdraw it if the Alaska Legislature passes our proposed alternative.
The first time a U.S. Senator recuses him or herself from voting while explaining that to vote on the act under consideration would make him or her a criminal in their home state, will make national headlines. Citizens will mount initiatives in other states. If a handful of states pass similar legislation those Senators forced to forgo the wink and smile language of favor trading will soon force all of congress to abide by the same.
Voters in five western states with populations of a million or less have the option of changing statutes by initiative. Due to their low population, initiatives can be placed on the ballot for less than $200,000 per state. In Alaska, $70,000. For one million dollars we can solve this problem. A constitutional amendment on corporate personhood will require the defeat and replacement of half the U.S. House, half the U.S. Senate and the reversal of control in a majority of state legislatures. For those of us who don’t want to wait fifty to one hundred years for an amendment, this is our best chance to see a relatively corruption free government within your lifetime.
At this time Alaska owns nearly all the subsurface minerals within its borders. If we Alaskans don’t bring a stop to employees of companies voting to advance the interests of their employer, several of Alaska’s largest companies will soon be competing for seats in Alaska’s legislature and the winners will soon be dividing up the assets of this “Owner State” amongst their employers. The only thing standing in the way of fixing this is the lack of the $70,000 we need for paid signature gatherers.
If you can help, go to: http://thebriberystopshere.com/ and click “Donate” (look for it on the left)
Ray Metcalfe lives in Anchorage, Alaska. Email = RayinAK@aol.com. Phone 907-344-4514. He is a former member of the Alaska State House, and is the president of an Alaskan government watchdog organization, Citizens for Ethical Government, that was involved in the FBI’s investigation that led to the indictment of US Senator Ted Stevens and bribery related convictions of several lobbyists and legislators.